Analyze/The firsts to fight for with a view to Cameroon's accession to independence have for the most part paid with their lives for their contradictory points of view on what they considered to be a facade of independence, favourable to the prolongation of hegemony of a colonizing power determine to continue to manage this Territory as an integral part of its own. Indeed, between the most radical whose acts of bravery were detestable and the most moderate, including one in particular who, despite his initial docility, later had to make speeches that were unpleasant for the system of the time, there was a point common, namely, to do everything possible so that the international recognition of Cameroon as a country is a total satisfaction.
The French administration was ready to grant more autonomy to Cameroon but only with moderate political leaders. After negotiations with the United Nations Organization (UN0), Cameroon obtained complete autonomy on January 1, 1959; In March 1959 Cameroonian nationality was recognized internationally. But before getting there, several tumultuous and remarkable episodes should be noted.
The status of autonomy
In 1956, the Defferre framework law authorized the establishment of an autonomous and responsible local executive power in French West Africa. In 1957, this measure extended to Central Africa and to Cameroon in particular through an electoral process that the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon (UPC) attempted to stop with an armed initiative due to its non-participation in the vote.
It should be remembered that the French Union of 1946 which was formed of the French republic which included metropolitan France, the overseas departments and territories, and other associated territories and States, allowed Cameroon to have a first assembly called ARCAM (Representative Assembly of Cameroon) which was replaced 6 years later by the Territorial Assembly of Cameroon (ATCAM) in 1952 which itself was replaced by the Legislative Assembly of 1957.
The Union of Populations of Cameroon created in 1948 demanded the independence and immediate reunification of Cameroon in addition to non-interference in the internal affairs of Cameroon. Hostile to this categorical point of view, the French administration carried out arrests which led to the Douala riots of 1955 which led to the banning of the activities of the party.
The organization of this election allowed the nomination of candidates more favourable to independence in stages, namely André Marie Mbida of le Parti des Démocrates Camerounais (PDC) and Ahmadou Ahidjo of Union Camerounaise who were appointed respectively as Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of autonomous Cameroon.
The administration of Autonomous Cameroon
Autonomous Cameroon was led by a French high commissioner and a Cameroonian prime minister who, in the exercise of the powers conferred on him by France after an electoral deadline, claimed in turn like the upécists whom he had to mishandle in following the French, that Cameroonians must be trained in all areas with a view to continuing the management of their country themselves. This proposal displeased the French as did his fight against racism. Indeed, the docile servant seemed to have rebelled in the face of the multiple injustices and other deplorable attitudes that he witnessed and which could only presage a superficial independence as the upécists before him had already predicted.
Since he was no longer as docile as a lamb, a motion of censure instigated by the French was launched against him. Everything was orchestrated to gradually isolate him and force him to resign. Indeed, his deputy prime minister resigned, his proposal to reshuffle his government was invalidated, and a good sum of money was even promised to all those who were in favour of his dismissal. Some sources speak of 200,000 CFA francs per person.
Note that a motion of censure is a means available to parliament to dismiss a prime minister. It had become an unwanted spice that had to be gotten rid of as quickly as possible. To replace him, nothing better than another servant more moderate than him, namely his former vice-prime minister Ahmadou Ahidjo.
From autonomy to the establishment of the single party after independence in 1960
In exile from the coast of Conakry in Guinea (West Africa) for 13 months where there was an upecist tendency with which he had to establish relationships, he returned to Cameroon and particularly in political life after the independence of the country. He was elected deputy in his electoral constituency, namely the former region of Nyong and Sanaga which was the name that the constituency of Yaoundé took after an order of April 8, 1935.
Also read: Cameroon: from the authoritarian power of the single thought between 1966 and 1990 and from 1990 to the present day
With other leaders of the apposition including Marcel Bebey Eyidi of the Cameroonian Labour Party, Charles Okala of the Cameroonian Socialist Party, Theodore Mayi Matip of the Union of the Peoples of Cameroon they created a unified National Front to signify their refusal to belong to the single party which had already absorbed several other opposition parties. This initiative of June 23, 1962 made them the first political prisoners of independent Cameroon and reunification between 1962 and 1965.
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